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THE PERIPLUS OF HANNO 



A VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY 

DOWN THE WEST AFRICAN COAST, 

BY A CARTHAGINIAN ADMIRAL 

OF THE FIFTH gENTURY B. C. 



TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK 

BY 

WILFRED H. SCHOFF, a. m. 

Secretary of the Commercial Museum, Philadelphia 
M^ith explanatory passages quoted from numerous authors 




PHILADELPHIA: 

PUBLISHED BY THE COMMERCIAL MUSEUM 

1912 



THE PERIPLUS OF HANNO 



Copyright 1912 

by the Commercial Museum 

Philadelphia 



The illustration on the title-page is redrawn from 
a Sidonian coin of the 5th century B. C, in the 
Hunterian Collection at Glasgow. 



THE PERIPLUS OF HANNO 



A VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY 

DOWN THE WEST AFRICAN COAST, 

BY A CARTHAGINIAN ADMIRAL 

OF THE FIFTH CENTURY B. C. 



TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK 

BY 

WILFRED H. SCHOFF, a. m. 

Secretary of the Commercial Museum, Philadelphia 
IVith explanatory passages quoted from numerous authors 




PHILADELPHIA: 

PUBLISHED BY THE COMMERCIAL MUSEUM 

1912 



THE VOYAGE OF HANNO, KING OF THE 
CARTHAGINIANS 

To the Libyan regions of the earth beyond the Pillars of Hercules, 
which he dedicated also in the Temple of Baal, affixing this 

1. It pleased the Carthaginians that Hanno should voy- 
age outside the Pillars of Hercules, and found cities of the 
Libyphoenicians. And he set forth with sixty ships of fifty 
oars, and a multitude of men and women, to the number of 
thirty thousand, and with wheat and other provisions. 

2. After passing through the Pillars we went on and 
sailed for two days' journey beyond, where we founded the 
first city, which we called Thymiaterium ; it lay in the midst 
of a great plain. 

3. Sailing thence toward the west we came to Solois, a 
promontory of Libya, bristling with trees. 

4. Having set up an altar here to Neptune, we proceeded 
again, going toward the east for half the day, until we reached 
a marsh lying no great way from the sea, thickly grown with 
tall reeds. Here also were elephants and other wild beasts 
feeding, in great numbers. 

5. Going beyond the marsh a day's journey, we setded 
cities by the sea, which we called Caricus Murus, Gytta, Acra, 
Melitta and Arambys. 

6. Sailing thence we came to the Lixus, a great river 
flowing from Libya. By it a wandering people, the Lixitas, 
were pasturing their flocks; with whom we remained some 
time, becoming friends. 

7. Above these folk lived unfriendly ^Ethiopians, dwelling 
in a land full of wild beasts, and shut off by great mountains, 
from which they say the Lixus flows, and on the mountains 
live men of various shapes, cave-dwellers, who, so the Lixitse 
say, are fleeter of foot than horses. 



8. Taking interpreters from them, we sailed twelve '\ 
' days toward the south along a desert, turning thence toward ' 

the east one day's sail. There, within the recess of a bay we 
found a small island, having a circuit of fifteen stadia; which 
we settled, and called it Cerne. From our journey we judged 
it to be situated opposite Carthage ; for the voyage from Car- 
thage to the Pillars and thence to Cerne was the same. 

9. Thence, sailing by a great river whose name was 
Chretes, we came to a lake, which had three islands, larger 
than Cerne. Running a day's sail beyond these, we came to 
the end of the lake, above which rose great mountains, peo- 
pled by savage men wearing skins of wild beasts, who threw 
stones at us and prevented us from landing from our ships. 

10. Sailing thence, we came to another river, very great 
and broad, which was full of crocodiles and hippopotami. 
And then we turned about and went back to Cerne. 

11. Thence we sailed toward the south twelve days, fol- 
lowing the shore, which was peopled by ^Ethiopians who fled 
from us and would not wait. And their speech the Lixitse 
who were with us could not understand. 

1 2. But on the last day we came to great wooded mountains. 
The wood of the trees was fragrant, and of various kinds. 

13. Sailing around these mountains for two days, we came 
to an immense opening of the sea, from either side of which 
there was level ground inland; from which at night we saw 
iire leaping up on every side at intervals, now greater, now less. 

14. Having taken in water there, we sailed along the 
shore for five days, until we came to a great bay, which our 
interpreters said was called Horn of the West. In it there 
was a large island, and within the island a lake of the sea, in 
which there was another island. Landing there during the 
day, we saw nothing but forests, but by night many burning 
fires, and we heard the sound of pipes and cymbals, and the 



s 

noise of drums and a great uproar. Then fear possessed us, 
and the soothsayers commanded us to leave the island. 

15. And then quickly sailing forth, we passed by a burn- 
ing country full of fragrance, from which great torrents of fire 
flowed down to the sea. But the land could not be come at 
for the heat. 

16. And we sailed along with all speed, being stricken by 
fear. After a journey of four days, we saw the land at night 
covered with flames. And in the midst there was one lofty 
fire, greater than the rest, which seemed to touch the stars. 
By day this was seen to be a very high mountain, called 
Chariot of the Gods. 

17. Thence, sailing along by the fiery torrents for three 
days, we came to a bay, called Horn of the South. 

18. In the recess of this bay there was an island, like the 
former one, having a lake, in which there was another island, 
full of savage men. There were women, too, in even greater 
number. They had hairy bodies, and the interpreters called 
them Gorillie. When we pursued them we were unable to 
take any of the men ; for they all escaped, by climbing the 
steep places and defending themselves with stones; but we 
took three of the women, who bit and scratched their leaders, 
and would not follow us. So we killed them and flayed them, 
and brought their skins to Carthage. For we did not voyage 
further, provisions failing us. 



MAP to illustrate THE PERIPLUS of HANNO 




ROUTE 



SCALE = 



THE GEOGRAPHY OF THE VOYAGE OF HANNO 

The Carthaginian colonies mentioned in this text can be iden- 
tified only in the most general way with any existing settlement. 
They were destroyed and abandoned so many centuries ago that no 
traces are likely to remain, although the unsettled condition of the 
country, which has remained to the present time, has prevented any 
exploration of the interior or even of the coast itself. 

§ 1. The Pillars of Hercules are, of course, the Straits of 
Gibraltar. 

§ 2. The first city, called in the text Thymiaterium, is identi- 
fied by Miiller as Mehedia at the mouth of the Sbou River at about 
34° 20' N. The name of this city as we have it is a Greek corrup- 
tion and to the eyes of various commentators suggests Dumathir—^i 
ground, or city of the plain. 

§ 3. The Promontory of Solois is probably the same as Cape 
Cantin at 32° 30' N. 

§ 4. The section of marshy ground is probably reached on 
both sides of Cape Safi, 32° 20' N. 

§ 5. The location of the five colonies mentioned in this para- 
graph is uncertain. Miiller places the first at the ruins of Agouz, 32 5 
at the mouth of the Tensift River. The second perhaps at Mogador, 
31° 30'. The third at Agadir, 30° 25'. The fourth at the mouth 
of the Messa River, 30° S'. The fifth, perhaps, at the mouth of the 
Gueder River, 29° 10', or at Araouas, 29°. 

§ 6. The Lixus River is quite certainly the modern Wadi 
Draa, emptying into the ocean at 28 30 . 

§ 8. The island of Cerne, lying in the recess of a bay, is iden- 
tified with the modern Heme Island within the mouth of the Rio de 
Oro at about 23° 45' N. The relative distances as mentioned in this 
paragraph from the Straits of Gibraltar to Carthage and to Heme 
Island respectively, are very nearly correct. 

§ 9. The Chretes River Miiller identifies with the modern 
St. Jean at 19° 25', at the mouth of which the three islands exist 
as the text describes. 

§ 10, The great river full of crocodiles and hippopotami is 
identified with the Senegal at about 16° 30' N. 

§§ 12 and 13. These great wooded mountains around which the 
expedition sailed, can be nothing but Cape Verde, and the immense 
opening of the sea is the mouth of the Gambia River at 13° 30' N. 

§ 14. The bay called Horn of the West reaches from 12° to 
to 11° N. and the islands are the modern Bissagos. 



§ 16. The high mountain called Chariot of the Gods, Miiller 
identifies with Mt. Kakulima at 9° 30' N. 

§§ 17 and 18. The island enclosed within the bay called Horn 
of the South, it is now agreed by all commentators, is the modern 
Sherboro Sound in the British colony of Sierra Leone, about 7° 30' N. 

This identification of the places named in the text extends 
Hanno' s voyage about 29 degrees of latitude along the West African 
coast, or a total length outside of Gibraltar, following the direction of 
the shore line, of about 2600 miles. 



EDITIONS OF THE PERIPLUS OF HANNO 

(From Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, I, 332-3) 

The narrative of Hanno was certainly extant in Greek at an early 
period. It is cited in the work ascribed to Aristotle on Marvellous 
Narratives (§ 37) which belongs to the 3d century B. C. ; as well as 
by Mela, Pliny, and many later writers; and Pliny expressly speaks 
of it as the source whence many Greek and Roman writers had 
derived their information, including, as he considered, many fables. 
C Pliny, H. N., V. 8.) 

The authenticity of the work may be considered as unquestion- 
able. The internal evidence is conclusive upon that point. There 
is considerable doubt as to the date of the voyage. On this point the 
narrative itself gives no information, and the name Hanno was very 
common at Carthage. (See Smith's Diet, of Bios., Art. Hanno). 
But it has been generally agreed that this Hanno was either the father 
or the son of the Hamilcar who led the great Carthaginian expedition 
to Sicily in B. C. 480. In the former case the Periplus may be prob- 
ably assigned to a date about B. C. 520; in the latter it must be 
brought down to about B. C. 470. This last view is that adopted by 
C. Miiller in his edition of the Periplus iGeographi Graci Minores, I, 
xxi-xxiv), where the whole subject is fully discussed; but as between 
him and his grandfather, the choice is hardly more than conjectural. 
M. Vivien de St. Martin, however, prefers the date of B. C. 570, 
which had been previously adopted by Bougainville {Memoires 
de I Acad'emie des Inscriptions, xxviii, 287). 

"The Periplus of Hanno was first published at Basle in 1533 (as 
an appendix to the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea j , from a manuscript in 
the Heidelberg library i^Cod. Pal. Grcec, 398), the only one in vv^hich 
it is found. There have been numerous subsequent editions; of these 
the one by Falconer, 8vo, 1797, and Kluge, 8vo, Leipzig, 1829, are 
the most valuable. The treatise is also included in the editions of the 



Geographi Graci Mimres by Hudson, Gail, and C. Miiller. The 
valuable and elaborate commentary by the latest editor may be con- 
sidered as in a great measure superseding all others. Besides all 
these editions, it has been made the subject of elaborate investigations 
by Gosselin, Bougainville, Major Rennell, Heeren, Ukert, Vivien de 
St. Martin, and other geographical writers.* Indeed there are few 
ancient writings that have been the subject of more copious commen- 
tary in proportion to its very limited extent. The earliest of these 
commentaries, inserted by Ramusio in his collection of Voyages 
(Venice, 1550), is curious and interesting as being derived from Por- 
tuguese sources, who were in modern times the earliest explorers of 
these coasts. That by the Spanish writer Campomanes (in his Jntr 
guedad Mar'itima de Cartago, 4to, Madrid, 1756) is, on the contrary, 
utterly worthless. ' ' 

*To this list should be added the Histories of Ancient Geography by 
Bunbury (1883) and Tozer (1897). 



CARTHAGINIAN CHRONOLOGY 
Migration of the Phoenicians from the Persian Gulf to b. c. 

South Arabia and the Mediterranean, about 2800 

Phoenician cities on the Mediterranean subject alternately 

to Babylon and Egypt. Rise of Assyria, about 1300 

Greekactivity and extension of Israel; fall of Troy, about 1183 

Temporary weakness of both Assyria and Egypt makes 
possible the independence and alliance of Israel and 
Phoenicia, 1049- 976 

Phoenician colonies westward, about 1000 

Founding of Carthage, about 878 

At this period the Semitic commercial system centering in 
Mesopotamia, Phoenicia and Carthage controlled the 
trade of the world; continued expansion of Greece, 
and foundation of Greek colonies in Asia Minor and 
the Black Sea and westward in Italy, Sicily and Gaul, 800- 600 
Founding of Rome, 753 

Decline of Assyria under this competition, 650 

Greek colony established at Cyrene in North Africa, 631 

Greek commercial agency established on the Nile, 630 

Fall of Nineveh, 606 

Extension of Carthaginian dominions in Africa, Sicily and 

Sardinia, 550 

Defeat of the Carthaginians by the Greeks, 539 



10 

Fall of Babylon and rise of the Persian Empire, 538 

War between Carthage and Syracuse for the possession of 

Sicily, 533 

Change of Carthaginian policy toward African tribes and 

enforcement of tribute, 533 

Rome under Etruscan kings extends its dominion in Italy, 528 

Egypt conquered by the Persians, 525 

Cyrene, and Africa as far as the Carthaginian possessions, 

conquered by the Persians, 524 

Invasion of Italy by the Gauls, 520 

Northern India conquered by the Persians, 512 

Expulsion of the Tarquins and establishment of the Re- 
public of Rome, 509 
The Persians advance into Thrace, 505 
Persian advance continues into Greece until checked by 

the defeat of Marathon, 490 

Second effort of the older civilization against Greece under 
Xerxes, this time employing all its forces from India 
in the east to Carthage in the west, ends in double 
victory by the Greeks over the Carthaginians at Him- 
era in Sicily and over the Persians at Salamis, 480 

Battle of Plataea; expulsion of the Persians from Greece, 479 

Probable date of the voyage of Hanno, marking the decline 
of Carthaginian supremacy in the northern Mediter- 
ranean and the movement to extend its trade westward 
by the Atlantic Ocean, 470 

At this period Carthage was by far the richest city on 

the Mediterranean. 
Invasion of Italy by the Gauls, capture and destruction of 

Rome, 390 

Defeat of the Etruscans by the Romans, 310 

Defeat of the Samnites, Nubians and Gauls by the Romans, 295 

Invasion of Italy by Pyrrhus and his defeat by the Romans, 280- 275 
Basis of Roman wealth and power laid by the capture and 

sack of Tarentum, 272 

First Punic war ending in the loss of Sicily to Rome, 264- 241 

Second Punic war ending in the loss of Spain, Sardinia and 

Corsica to Rome, 218- 201 

Third Punic war ending in the total destruction of Cartha- 
ginian power, 149- 146 
Capture and destruction of both Carthage and Corinth and 

transfer of their wealth to Rome, 146 



11 

Steady advance of Roman power in all directions ending 

with complete possession of the Mediterranean at the a.d. 

death of Augustus, 13 

THE "BURNING COUNTRY" OF §§ 14-16 
Mungo Park ( Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa. London, 
1799: Chap, xx), thus describes the burning of the grass in the dry 
season in Senegambia: 

The termination of the rainy season is likewise attended with 
violent tornadoes; after which the wind shifts to the northeast, and 
continues to blow from that quarter during the rest of the year. . . . 
The grass soon becomes dry and withered, the rivers subside very 
rapidly, and many of the trees shed their leaves. . . . This wind, in 
passing over the great dessert of Sahara, acquires a very strong attrac- 
tion for humidity, and parches up everything exposed to the current. 
Whenever the grass is sufficiently dry, the Negroes set it on 
fire ; but in Ludamar and other Moorish countries this practice is not 
allowed, for it is on the withered stubble that the Moors feed their 
cattle until the return of the rains. The burning of the grass in 
Manding exhibits a scene of terrific grandeur. In the middle of the 
night, I could see the plains and mountains, as far as my eye could 
reach, variegated with lines of fire; and the light reflected on the 
sky made the heavens appear in a blaze. In the daytime pillars of 
smoke were seen in every direction; while the birds of prey were 
observed hovering round the conflagration and pouncing down upon 
the snakes, lizards, and other reptiles, which attempted to escape 
from the flames. This annual burning is soon followed by a fresh 
and sweet verdure, and the country is thereby rendered more healthful 
and pleasant." 

See also a paper by Dr. Walther Busse in Mitteilungen aus der 
Deutschen Schutzgehieten, 1908, No. 2, reviewed in the Geographical 
Journal for October, 1908. 

CARTHAGE AND THE CARTHAGINIANS 

By R. BOSWORTH SMITH, M. A. London, 1877 
Chapter I. Extracts 

"The land-locked sea, the eastern extremity of which washes the 
shores of Phoenicia proper, connecting as it does three continents, and 
abounding in deep gulfs, in fine harbors, and in fertile islands, seems 
to have been intended by nature for the early development of com- 
merce and colonization. By robbing the ocean of half its mystery 
and more than half its terrors, it allured the timid mariner, even as 
the eagle does her young, from headland on to headland, or from 



12 

islet to islet, till it became the highway of the nations of the ancient 
world; and the products of each of the countries whose shores i 
laves became the common property of all. At a very early period 
the Etruscans, for instance, that mysterious people who then occu- 
pied with their settlements Campania and Cisalpine Gaul, as well as 
that extensive intermediate region to which they afterwards gave their 
name, swept all the Italian seas with their galleys, half piratical, and 
half commercial. The Greeks, somewhat later, founded (B. C. 631) 
Cyrene and (B. C. 560) Barca in Africa, (B. C. 564) Alalia in 
Corsica, and (B. C. 600) Massilia in Gaul, and lined the southern 
shores of Italy and the western shores of Asia Minor with that fringe 
of colonies which were so soon to eclipse in prosperity and power their 
parent cities. Even Egypt, with her immemorial antiquity and her 
exclusive civilization, deigned to open (B. C. 550) an emporium at 
Naucratis for the ships and commerce of the Greeks, creatures of 
yesterday as they must have seemed in comparison with her. 

But in this general race of enterprise and commerce among the 
nations which bordered on the Mediterranean, it is to the Phoenicians 
that unquestionably belongs the foremost place. In the dimmest dawn 
of history, many centuries before the Greeks had set foot in Asia 
Minor or in Italy, before even they had settled down in secure pos- 
session of their own territories, we hear of Phcenician settlements in 
Asia Minor and in Greece itself, in Africa, in Macedon, and in Spain. 
There is hardly an island in the Mediterranean which has not pre- 
served some traces of these early visitors; Cyprus, Rhodes and Crete 
in the Levant; Malta, Sicily, and the Balearic Isles in the middle 
passage; Sardinia, Corsica, and Elba in the Tyrrhenian Sea; the 
Cyclades, as Thucydides tells us, in the mid-j^^gean; and even 
Samothrace and Thasos at its northern extremity, where Herodotus, 
to use his own forcible expression, himself saw a whole mountain 
'turned upside down' by their mining energy; all have either yielded 
Phoenician coins and inscriptions, have retained Phoenician proper 
names and legends, or possess mines, long, perhaps, disused, but 
which were worked as none but Phoenicians ever worked them. And 
among the Phoenician factories which dotted the whole southern shore 
of the Mediterranean, from the east end of the Greater Syrtis even to 
the Pillars of Hercules, there was one which, from a concurrence of 
circumstances, was destined rapidly to outstrip all the others, to make 
herself their acknowledged head, to become the Queen of the Medi- 
terranean, and, in some sense, of the Ocean beyond, and for a space 
of over a hundred years, to maintain a deadly and not an unequal con- 
test with the future mistress of the world. 



13 

The rising African factory was known to its inhabitants by the 
name of Kirjath-Hadeschath, or New Town, to distinguish it from 
the much older settlement of Utica, of which it may have been, to 
some extent, an offshoot. The Greeks, when they came to know of 
its existence, called it Karchedon, and the Romans Carthago. The 
date of its foundation is uncertain; but the current tradition refers it 
to a period about a hundred years before the founding of Rome. 

' In her origin, at least, Carthage seems to have been, like other 
Phoenician settlements, a mere commercial factory. Her inhabitants 
cultivated friendly relations with the natives, looked upon themselves 
as tenants at will rather than owners of the soil, and, as such, cheer- 
fully paid a rent to the African Berbers for the ground covered by 
their dweUings. Thus much, if thus much only, of truth is contained 
in the legend of Dido, which, adorned as it has been by the genius 
of Virgil, and resting in part on early local traditions, must always 
remain indissolubly bound up with the name of Carthage. 

"It was the instinct of self-preservation alone which, in the 
course of the sixth century, dictated a change of policy at Carthage, 
and transformed her peace-loving mercantile community into the war- 
like and conquering state, of which the whole of the western Medi- 
terranean was so soon to feel the power. A people far less k. en- 
sighted than the Phoenicians must have discerned that it was their 
very existence which was at stake; at all events, unless they were 
willing to be dislodged from Africa, and Sicily, and Spain, as they had 
already been dislodged from Italy and Greece and the islands of the 
Levant, by the flood of Hellenic colonization, they must alter their 
policy. Accordingly they joined hands (in B. C. 537) with their 
inveterate enemies, the Etruscans, to prevent a threatened settlement 
of some exiled Phocaeans on the important island of Corsica. In 
Africa they took up arms to make the inhabitants of Cyrene feel that 
it was towards Egypt or the interior, not towards Carthage, that they 
must look for an extension of their boundaries; and in Sicily, by 
withdrawing half voluntarily from the eastern side of the island in 
which the Greeks had settled, they tightened their grip upon the 
western portion which, as being nearer to Carthage, was more impor- 
tant to them, and where the original Phoenician settlements of Panor- 
mus, Motye, and Soloeis had been planted. 

"The result of this change of policy was that the western half of 
the Mediterranean became, with one exception, what the whole of it 
had once bidden fair to be — a Phoenician lake, in which no foreign 
merchantmen dared to show themselves. It was a, vast, preserve, to 
be caught trespassing upon which, so Strabo tells us, on the authority 



14 

of Eratosthenes, ensured the punishment of instant death by drowning. 
No promontory was so barren, no islet so insignificant, as to escape 
the jealous and ever watchful eye of the Carthaginians. In Corsica, 
if they could not get any firm or extensive foothold themselves, they 
at least prevented any other state from doing the like. Into their 
hands fell, in spite of the ambitious dreams of Persian kings and the 
aspirations of patriot Greeks, that greatest of all islands,' the island 
of Sardinia; theirs were the jEgatian and the Liparaean, the Balearic 
and the Pityusian Isles j theirs the tiny Elba, with its inexhaustible 
supply of metals; theirs, too, Malta still remained, an outpost pushed 
far into the domain of other advancing enemies, a memorial of what 
once had been, and, perhaps, to the sanguine Carthaginian tempera- 
ment, an earnest of what might be again hereafter. Above all the 
Phoenician settlements in Spain, at the innermost corner of the great 
preserve, with the adjacent silver mines which gave to these settle- 
ments their peculiar value, were now trebly safe from all intruders. 

"Elated, as it would seem, by their naval successes, which were 
hardly of their own seeking, the Carthaginians thought that they might 
now at least become the owners of the small strip of African territory 
which they had hitherto seemed to occupy on sufferance only, and 
they refused the ground-rent which, up till now, they had paid to the 
adjoining tribes. Step by step they enlarged their territories at the 
expense of the natives, till the whole of the rich territory watered by 
the Bagradas became theirs. The Nomadic tribes were beaten back 
beyond the river Triton into the country named, from the roving 
habits of its inhabitants, Numidia, or into the desert of Tripolis, and 
were henceforward kept in check by the primitive defence of a line 
of ditch and rampart, just as, in earlier times, the rich plains of Baby- 
lonia had been protected by the wall of Semiramis' from the incur- 
sions of the less civilized Medes. The agricultural tribes were forced 
to pay tribute to the conquerors for the right of cultivating their own 
soil or to shed their blood on the field of battle in the prosecution of 
further conquests from the tribes beyond. 

"Nor did the kindred Phoenician settlements in the adjoining 
parts of Africa escape unscathed. Utica alone, owing probably to her 
antiquity and to the semi-parental relation in which she stood to Car- 
thage, was allowed to retain her walls and full equality of rights with 
the rising power; but Hippo Zarytus, and Adrumetum, the greater 
and the lesser Leptis, were compelled to pull down their walls and 
acknowledge the supremacy of the Carthaginian city. All along the 
northern coast of Africa the original Phoenician settlers, and, probably, 
to some extent, the Carthaginians tnemselves, had intermarried with 



IS 

the natives. The product of these marriages was that numerous class 
of Libyphoenicians which proved to be so important in the history of 
the Carthaginian colonization and conquest; a class which, equidis- 
tant from the Berbers on the one hand, and from the Carthaginians 
proper on the other, and composed of those who were neither wholly 
citizens nor yet wholly aliens, experienced the lot of most half castes, 
and were alternately trusted and feared, pampered and oppressed, 
loved and hated, by the ruling state. 

The original monarchical constitution — doubtless inherited from 
Tyre — was represented (practically in Aristotle's time, and theoreti- 
cally to the latest period) by two supreme magistrates called by the 
Romans Suffetes. Their name is the same as the Hebrew Shofetim, 
mistranslated in our Bible, Judges. The Hamilcars and Hannos of 
Carthage were, like their prototypes, the Gideons and the Samsons of 
the Book of Judges, and not so much the judges, as the protectors of 
their respective states. They are compared by Greek writers to the 
two kings of Sparta, and by the Romans to their own consuls. That 
they were in the earliest times appointed for life, and not, as is com- 
monly supposed, elected annually, is clear from a variety of indica- 
tions; and, Hke the 'king of the sacrifices' at Rome, and the 'king 
archon' at Athens, they seem, when the kingly office itself was abol- 
ished, to have retained those priestly functions which, according to 
ancient conceptions, were indissolubly united with royalty. 

' 'Carthage was, beyond doubt, the richest city of antiquity. Her 
ships were to be found on all known seas, and there was probably no 
important product, animal, vegetable, or mineral, of the ancient 
world, which did not find its way into her harbours and pass through 
the hands of her citizens. But her commercial policy was not more 
far-sighted or more liberal than has been that of other commercial 
states, even till very modern times. Free trade was unknown to her; 
it would have seemed indeed like a contradiction in terms. If she 
admitted foreign merchantmen bv treaty to her own harbour, she took 
care by the same document jealously to exclude them from the more 
important harbours of her dependencies. She allowed her colonies 
to trade only so far as suited her own immediate interests, and the 
precautions she took made it impossible for any one of them ever to 
become a great center of commerce, still less to dream of taking her 
place. 



15 



r~-" 




Plan of Harbors at Carthage — after Bosixtorth Smith 

"But the most important factor in the history of a people — 
especially if it be a Semitic people — -is its religion. The religion of the 
Carthaginians was what their race, their language, and their history 
would lead us to expect. It was, with slight modification, the religion 
of the Canaanites, the religion, that is, which, in spite of the purer 
Monotheism of the Hebrews and the higher teaching of their pro- 
phets, so long exercised a fatal fascination over the great bulk of the 
Hebrew race. The Phoenician religion has been defined to be a 
deification of the powers of Nature, which naturally developed into 
an adoration of the objects in which those powers seemed most 
active.' Of this adoration the Sun and Moon were the primary ob- 
jects. The Sun can either create or destroy, he can give life or take 
it away. The Moon is his consort; she can neither create nor de- 
stroy, but she can receive and develop, and, as the queen of night, 
she presides alike over its stillness and its orgies. Each of these 
ruling deities, Baal-Moloch or the Sun-god, and the horned Astarte 
or the crescent Moon worshipped at Carthage, it would seem, under 
the name of Tanith, would thus have an ennobling as well as a de- 
grading, a more cheerful as well as a more gloomy aspect. Unfor- 



17 

tunately, it was the gloomy and debasing side of their worship which 
tended to predominate alike in Phoenicia proper and in the greatest 
of the Phoenician colonies. 

But there was one of these inferior gods who stood in such a 
peculiar relation to Carthage, and whose worship seems to have been 
so much more genial and so much more spiritual than the rest, that 
we are fain to dwell upon it as a foil to what has preceded. This 
god was Melcarth, that is Mekch-Kirjath, or the king of the city; he 
is called by the Greeks 'the Phoenician Hercules,' and his name itself 
has passed, with a slight alteration, into Greek mythology as Meli- 
certes. The city of which he was pre-eminently the god was Tyre. 
There he had a magnificent temple, which was visited for antiquarian 
purposes by Herodotus. ... At Carthage Melcarth had not even a 
temple. The whole city was his temple, and he refused to be local- 
ized in any particular part of it. He received, there is reason to be- 
lieve, no sacrifices of blood; and it was his comparatively pure and 
spiritual worship which, as we see repeatedly in Carthaginian history, 
formed a chief link in the chain that bound the parent to the various 
daughter-cities scattered over the coasts and islands of the Mediter- 
ranean. 

The Carthaginian proper names which have come down to us 
form one among many proofs of the depth of their reUgious feelings, 
for they are all, or nearly all, compounded with the name of one or 
other of their chief gods. Hamilcar is he whom Melcarth protects; 
Hasdrubal is he whose help is in Baal; Hannibal, the Hanniel of the 
Bible, the grace of Baal; and so on with Bomilcar, Himilco, Ethbaal, 
Maherbal, Adherbal, and Mastanabal. 

"But if the life of the great capitalists of Carthage was as brilliant 
as we have described it, how did it fare with the poorer citizens, with 
those whom we call the masses, till we sometimes forget that they are 
made up of individual units.? If we know litde of the rich, how 
much less do we know of the poor of Carthage and her dependencies.'' 
The city population, with the exception — -a large exception doubtless 
— of those engaged in commerce, well contented, as it would seem, like 
the Romans under the Empire, if nothing deprived them of their bread 
and their amusement, went on eating and marrying and multiplying 
until their numbers became excessive, and then they were shipped 
off by the prudence of their rulers to found colonies in other parts of 
Africa or in Spain. Their natural leaders, or, as probably more often 
happened, the bankrupt members of the aristocracy, would take the 
command of the colony, and obtain free leave, in return for their ser- 
vices, to enrich themselves by the plunder of the adjoining tribes. 



IS 

"To so vast an extent did Carthage carry out the modern prin- 
ciple of relieving herself of a superfluous population and at the same 
time of extending her empire, by colonization, that, on one occasion, 
the admiral Hanno, whose 'Periplus' still remains, was dispatched 
with sixty ships of war of fifty oars each, and with a total of not less 
than thirty thousand half-caste emigrants on board, for the purpose of 
founding colonies on the shores of the ocean beyond the Pillars of 
Hercules. 

"But the document recording this voyage is of an interest so 
unique, being the one relic of Carthaginian literature which has come 
down to us entire, that we must dwell for a moment on its contents. 
It was posted up by the admiral himself, as a thank-offering, in the 
temple of Baal, on his return from his adventurous voyage, the first 
attempt, made by the Phcenicians to reach the equator from the north- 
west of Africa. It is preserved to us in a Greek translation only, the 
work probably of some inquisitive Greek traveller, some nameless 
Herodotus who went wandering over the world like his matchless 
fellow-countryman, his note-book always in his hand, and always 
jotting down everything that was of interest to himself, or might be 
of importance to posterity. 

"What was the general nature of the Carthaginian trade in the 
distant regions thrown open to them we happen to know from another 
ancient writer whose authority is beyond dispute. There was in 
Libya — so the Carthaginians told Herodotus — beyond the Pillars of 
Hercules, an inhabited region where they used to unload their car- 
goes, and leave them on the beach. After they had returned to their 
ships and kindled a fire there, the natives seeing the rising column of 
smoke, ventured down to the beach, and depositing by the merchan- 
dise what they considered to be its equivalent in gold, withdrew in 
their turn to their homes. Once more the Carthaginians disem- 
barked, and if they were satisfied with the gold they found, they 
carried it off with them, and the dumb bargain was complete. If 
not, they returned a second time to their ships to give the natives the 
chance of offering more. The law of honor was strictly observed by 
both parties; for neither would the Carthaginians touch the gold till 
it amounted, in their opinion, to the full value of the merchandise; 
nor would the natives touch the merchandise till the Carthaginians 
had clinched the transaction by carrying off the gold. 

'This strange story, long looked upon as fabulous, has, like many 
other strange stories in Herodotus, been proved by the concurrent 
testimony of modern travelers to be an accurate account of the dumb 
trade which still exists in many parts of Africa, and which traversing 



19 

even the Great Desert, brings the Marroquin into close commercial 
relations with the Negro, and supplies the great Mohammedan king- 
doms of the Soudan with the products of the Mediterranean. It 
proves also that the gold-fields of the Niger, so imperfectly known to 
us even now, were well known to the Carthaginians, and that the 
gold-dust with which the natives of Ashanti lately purchased the 
retreat of the European invader was the recognized medium of ex- 
change in the days of the father of history. 

To defray the expenses of this vast system of exploration and 
colonization, as well as of their enormous armies, the most ruinous 
tribute was imposed and enacted with unsparing rigor from the sub- 
ject native states, and no slight one either from the cognate Phoenician 
cities. The taxes paid by the natives sometimes amounted to a half 
of their whole produce, and among the Phoenician dependent cities 
themselves we know that the lesser Leptis alone paid into the Car- 
thaginian treasury the sum of a talent daily. The tribute levied on 
the conquered Africans was paid in kind, as is the case with the 
rayahs of Turkey to the present day, and its apportionment and col- 
lection were doubtless liable to the same abuses and gave rise to the 
same enormities as those of which Europe has lately heard so much. 
Hence arose that universal disaffection, or rather that deadly hatred, 
on the part of her foreign subjects, and even of the Phoenician de- 
pendencies, towards Carthage on which every invader of Africa could 
safely count as his surest support. Hence the ease with which 
Agathocles, with his small army of fifteen thousand men, could over- 
run the open country, and the monotonous uniformity with which he 
entered, one after another, two hundred towns, which Carthaginian 
jealousy had deprived of their walls, hardly needing to strike a blow. 
Hence, too, the horrors of the revolt of the outraged Libyan mercena- 
naries, supported as it was by the free-will contributions of their golden 
ornaments by the Libyan women, who hated their oppressors as per- 
haps women only can, and which is known in history by the name of 
the 'War without Truce,' or the 'Inexpiable War. ' 

"It must, however, he borne in mind that the inherent differ- 
ences of manners, language, and race between the natives of Africa 
and the Phoenician incomer were so great; the African was so unim- 
pressible, and the Phoenician was so little disposed to understand, or 
to assimilate himself to his surroundings,' that even if the Carthaginian 
government had been conducted with any equity, and the taxes levied 
with a moderation which we know was far from being the case, a gulf 
profound and impassable must probably have always separated the two 
peoples. This was the fundamental, the ineradicable weakness of 



20 

the Carthaginian Empire, and in the long run outbalanced all the 
advantages obtained for her by her natives, her ports and her well- 
stocked treasury; by the energy and the valour of her citizens; and 
by the consummate genius of three, at least, of her generals. It is 
this, and this alone, which in some measure reconciles us to the mel- 
ancholy, nay, the hateful termination of the struggle, on the history of 
which we are about to enter; 

Men are we, and must grieve when e'en the name 
Of that which once was great has cassed away. 

But if under the conditions of ancient society, and the savagery of the 
warfare which is tolerated, there was an unavoidable necessity for 
either Rome or Carthage to perish utterly, we must admit, in spite of 
the sympathy which the brilliancy of the Carthaginian civilization, the 
heroism of Hamilcar and Hannibal, and the tragic catastrophe itself 
call forth, that it was well for the human race that the blow fell on 
Carthage rather than on Rome. A universal Carthaginian empire could 
have done for the world, as far as we can see, nothing comparable to 
that which the Roman universal empire did for it. It would not have 
melted down national antipathies, it would not have given a common 
literature or language, it would not have prepared the way for a higher 
civilization and an infinitely purer religion. Still less would it have 
built up that majestic fabric of law which forms the basis of the legis- 
lation of all the states of Modern Europe and America." 




Harbors of Carthage as they appear to-day. — Photographed by Garrigues, Tunis. 



21 
PHCENICIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 

The Phoenicians for sonne centuries confined their navigation 
within the limits of the Mediterranean, the Propontis, and the Euxine, 
land-locked seas, which are tideless and far less rough than the open 
ocean. But before the time of Solomon they had passed the Pillars of 
Hercules and affronted the dangers of the Atlantic. Their frail and 
small vessels, scarely bigger than modern fishing-smacks, proceeded 
southwards along the West African coast, as far as the tract watered 
by the Gambia and Senegal, while northwards they coasted along 
Spain, braved the heavy seas of the Bay of Biscay, and passing Cape 
Finisterre, ventured across the mouth of the English Channel to the 
Cassiterides. Singularly, from the West African shore, they boldly 
steered for the Fortunate Islands (the Canaries), visible from certain 
elevated points of the coast, though at 170 miles distance. Whether 
they proceeded further, in the south to the Azores, Madeira, and the 
Cape Verde Islands, in the north to the coast of Holland, and across 
the German Ocean to the Baltic, we regard as uncertain. It is pos- 
sible that from time to time some of the more adventurous of their 
traders may have reached thus far; but their regular, settled and es- 
tablished navigation did not, we believe, extend beyond the SciOy 
Islands and coast of Cornwall to the northwest, and to the southwest 
Cape Non and the Canaries. The commerce of the Phcenicians 
was carried on to a large extent by land, though principally by sea. 
It appears from the famous chapter (xxvii) of Ezekiel which describes 
the richness and greatness of Tyre in the 6th century B. C, that 
almost the whole of Western Asia was penetrated by the Phoenician 
caravans, and laid under contribution to increase the wealth of the 
Phoenician trader. . . . Translating this glorious burst of poetry into 
prose, we find the following countries mentioned as carrying on an 
active trade with the Phoenician metropolis : Northern Syria, Syria of 
Damascus, Judah and the land of Israel, Egypt, Arabia, Babylonia, 
Assyria, Upper Mesopotamia, Armenia, Central Asia Minor, Ionia, 
Cyprus, Hellas or Greece, and Spain." — G. Rawlinson, History of 
Phcenicia, ch. 9. 

"Though the invincible industry and enterprise of the Phoenicians 
maintained them as a people of importance down to the period of the 
Roman empire, yet the period of their widest range and greatest effi- 
ciency is to be sought much earlier — anterior to 700 B. C. In these 
remote times they and their colonists (the Carthaginians especially) 
were the exclusive navigators of the Mediterranean ; the rise of the 
Greek maritime settlements banished their commerce to a great degree 
from the Mgezn Sea, and embarrassed it even in the more westerly 



22 

waters. Their colonial establishments were formed in Africa, Sicily, 
Sardinia, the Balearic Isles and Spain. The greatness as well as the 
antiquity of Carthage, Utica, and Gades, attest the long-sighted plans 
of Phoenician traders, even in days anterior to the first Olympiad. 
We trace the wealth and industry of Tyre, and the distant navigation 
of her vessels through the Red Sea and along the coast of Arabia, 
back to the days of David and Solomon. And as neither Egyptians, 
Assyrians, Persians or Indians addressed themselves to a sea-faring life, 
so it seems that both the importation and the distribution of the prod- 
ducts of India and Arabia into Western Asia and Europe were per- 
formed by the Idumaean Arabs between Petra and the Red Sea — by 
the Arabs of Gerrha on the Persian Gulf, joined as they were in 
later times by a body of Chaldaean exiles from Babylonia — and by the 
more enterprising Phoenicians of Tyre and Sidon in these two seas as 
well as in the Mediterranean." — G. Grote, History of Greece, pt. 2, 
ch. 18. 

"The commerce of Carthage may be conveniently considered 
under its two great branches — the trade with Africa and the trade with 
Europe. The trade with Africa . . . was carried on with the bar- 
barous tribes of the inland country that could be reached by caravans, 
and of the sea-coast. Of both we hear something from Herodotus, 
the writer who furnishes us with most of our knowledge about these 
parts of the ancient world. . . . The goods with which the Cartha- 
ginian merchants traded with the African tribes were doubtless such as 
those which civilized nations have always used in their dealings with 
savages. Cheap finery, gaudily colored clothes, and arms of inferior 
quality, would probably be their staple. Salt, too, would be an im- 
portant article. . . . The articles which they would receive in ex- 
change for their goods are easily enumerated. In the first place comes 
. . . gold. Carthage seems to have had always at hand an abundant 
supply of the precious metal for use, whether as money or as plate. 
Next to gold would come slaves. . . . Ivory must have been another 
article of Carthaginian trade, though we hear little about it. The 
Greeks used it extensively in art. . . . Precious stones seem to have 
been another article which the savages gave in exchange for the goods 
they coveted. . . . Perhaps we may add dates to the list of articles 
obtained from the interior. The European trade dealt, of course, 
partly with the things already mentioned, and partly with other articles 
for which the Carthaginian merchants acted as carriers, so to speak, 
from one part of the Mediterranean to another. Lipara, and the 
other volcanic islands near the extremity of Italy, produced resin; 
Agrigentum, and possibly other cities of Sicily, traded in sulphur 
brought down from the region of Etna; wine was produced in many 



23 

of the Mediterranean countries. Wax and honey were the staple 
goods of Corsica. Corsican slaves, too, were highly valued. The 
iron of Elba, the fruit and the cattle of the Balearic islands, and to go 
further, the tin and copper of Britain, and even amber from the Bal- 
tic, were articles of Carthaginian commerce. Trade was carried on 
not only with the dwellers on the coast, but with inland tribes. Thus 
goods were transported across Spain to the interior of Gaul, the jeal- 
ousy of Massilia (Marseilles) not permitting the Carthaginians to have 
any trading stations on the northern coast of that country." — A. J. 
Church and A. Filman, The Story of Carthage, pt. 3, ch. 3. 

THE DOMINION OF CARTHAGE 

All our positive information, scanty as it is, about Carthage and 
her institutions, relates to the fourth, third and second centuries 
B. C. ; yet it may be held to justify presumptive conclusions as to the 
fifth century B. C, especially in reference to the general system pur- 
sued. The maximum of her power was attained before her first war 
with Rome, which began in 364 B. C. ; the first and second Punic 
wars both of them greatly reduced her strength and dominion. Yet 
in spite of such reduction we learn that about 150 B. C. shortly be- 
fore the third Punic war, which ended in the capture and depopula- 
tion of the city, not less than 700,000 were computed in it, as occu- 
pants of a fortified circumference of above twenty milles, covering a 
peninsula with its isthmus. Upon this isthmus its citadel Byrsa 
was situated, surrounded by a triple wall of its own, and crowned at 
its summit by a magnificent temple of Esculapius. The numerous 
population is the more remarkable, since Utica (a considerable city, 
colonized from Phoenicia more anciently than even Carthage itself, 
and always independent of the Carthaginians, though in the condition 
of an inferior and discontented ally) was within the distance of seven 
miles of Carthage on the one side, and Tunis seemingly not much 
further off on the other. Even at that time, too, the Carthaginians 
are said to have possessed 300 tributary cities in Libya. Yet this was 
but a small fraction of the prodigious empire which had belonged to 
them certainly in the fourth century B. C. , and in all probability also 
between 480-410 B. C. That empire extended eastward as far as 
the Altars of the Philaeni, near the Greater Syrtis, — westward all along 
the coast to the Pillars of Herakles and the western coast of Morocco. 
The line of coast southeast of Carthage, as far as the bay called the 
Lesser Syrtis, was proverbial (under the name of Byzacium and the 
Emporia) for its fertility. Along this extensive line were distributed 
indigenous Libyan tribes, living by agriculture; and a mixed popula- 
tion called Liby-Phoenician. ... Of the Liby-Phoenician towns the 



24 

number is not known to us, but it must have been prodigiously great. 
. . A few of the towns along the coast — Hippo, Utica, Adrume- 
tum, Thapsus, Leptis, etc. — were colonies from Tyre, like Carthage 
itself. Yet the Carthaginians contrived in time to render every 

town tributary, with the exception of Utica. . . At one time, im- 
mediately after the first Punic war, they took from the rural cultivators 
as much as one-half of their produce, and doubled at one stroke the 
tribute levied upon the towns. . . . The native Carthaginians, though 
encouraged by honorary marks to undertake military service 

were generally averse to it, and sparingly employed. . A chosen 
division of 2,500 citizens, men of wealth and family, formed what 
was called the Sacred Band of Carthage, distinguished for their bravery 
in the field as well as for the splendour of their arms, and the gold and 
silver plate which formed part of their baggage. We shall find these 
citizen troops occasionally employed on service in Sicily; but most 
part of the Carthaginian army consists of Gauls, Iberians, Libyans, 
etc. , a mingled host got together for the occasion, discordant in lan- 
guage as well as in customs." — G. Grote, History of Greece, pt. 2, 
ch. 81. 

THE NEGRITOS 

(THE HAIRY PEOPLE OF § 18) 
We have seen that the African pygmies probably reached Europe 
during the Stone Ages, and were certainly frequent visitors at the 
Courts of the Pharaohs. At present they are all denizens of the 
woodlands, everywhere keeping to the shelter of the Welle, Ituri 
Ruwenzori, Congo, and Ogoway forests within the tropics. To this 
may be due the fact that they are not black but of a yellowish colour 
with reddish-brown woolly head, somewhat hairy body, and ex- 
tremely low stature ranging from 3 ft. (Lugard) to perhaps 4 ft. 6 in. 
at most. The hirsuteness and dwarfish size were already noticed two 
thousand five hundred years ago by the Carthaginian Admiral Hanno 
to whom we owe the term gorilla applied by him, not to the an- 
thropoid ape so named by Du Chaillu, but to certain hairy little 
people seen by him on the west coast — probably the ancestors of the 
dwarfs still surviving in the Ogoway district. 

"Here they are called Abongo and Obongo, and elsewhere are 
known by different names — Tikitiki, Akka, or Wochua in the Welle 
region, Dume in Gallaland, Wandorobo in Masailand, Batwa south 
of the Congo, and many others. Dr. Ludwig Wolf connects the 
Batwa both with the northern Akka and the southern Bushmen all 
being the scattered fragments of a primeval dwarfish race to be regarded 
as the true aborigines of equatorial Africa. They live exclusively by 



25 

the chase and the preparation of palm-wine, hence are regarded by 
their Bantu friends as benevolent little people whose special mission 
is to provide the surrounding tribes with game and palm-wine in ex- 
change for manioc, maize, and bananas. Many are distinguished by 
sharp powers of observation, amazing talent for mimicry, and a good 
memory. Junker describes the comic ways and nimble action of an 
Akka who imitated with marvelous fidelity the peculiarities of persons 
he had once seen — Moslems at prayer, Emin Pasha with his four 
eyes' (spectacles), another in a towering rage, storming and abusing 
everybody, and Junker himself, whom he took off to the life, re- 
hearsing down to the minutest details, and with surprising accuracy, 
my anthropometric performance when measuring his body at Rumbek 
four years before.' "—A. H. Keane, The World s Peoples,^^. 148-9. 




"Dwarfs of the Southern Countries" acting as temple giiards. 
From a relief in the Temple of Bubastis. 



PYGMIES 

Homer, Iliad III, 6 — Chapman' s translation : 

' 'At all parts like the cranes that fill, with harsh confusion. 
Of brutish clanges all the air and in ridiculous war 
(Eschewing the unsuffer'd storms, shot from the winter's star), 
Visit the ocean, and confer the Pygmei soldiers' death." 

Aristotle : The cranes go up as far as the lakes above Egypt, 
where the Nile originates; there the pygmies are living; and this is 
not a fable, but pure truth; men and horses are, as they say, of small 
stature, and live in grottoes. " 



26 

Karnak temple, Ptolemaic era — of the nome of Nubia : 
"The dwarfs of the southern countries come to him, bringing 
their tributes to his treasury." 

H. M. Stanley, In Darkest Jfrica, Vol. ii, passim: On pages 
40-42, describing a couple of pygmies, one of whom, a man about 
21 years old, measuring 4 feet in height, he observes: 

This was the first full-grown man we had seen. His color was 
coppery, the fell over the body was almost feathery, being nearly half 
an inch in length. His head-dress was a bonnet of priestly form, 
decorated with a bunch of parrot feathers; . . . 

Twenty-six centuries ago his ancestors captured the five young 
Nassamonian explorers, and made merry with them at their villages 
on the banks of the Niger. Even as long as forty centuries ago they 
were known as pygmies, and the famous battle between them and the 
storks was rendered into song. On every map since Hecataeus' time, 
500 years B. C, they have been located in the region of the Moun- 
tains of the Moon. When Mesu led the children of Jacob out of 
Goshen, they reigned o\er Darkest Africa undisputed lords: they 
are there yet, while countless dynasties of Egypt and Assyria, Persia, 
Greece and Rome, have flourished for comparatively brief periods, 
and expired. And these little people have roamed far and wide dur- 
ing the elapsed centuries. From the Niger banks, with successive 
waves of larger migrants, they have come hither to pitch their leafy 
huts in the unknown recesses of the forest. Their kinsmen are 
known as Bushmen in Cape Colony, as Watwa in the basin of the 
Lulungu, as Akka in Monbuttu, as Balia by the Mabode, as Wam- 
butti in the Ihuru basin, and as Batwa under the shadows of the 
Lunae Montes." 

CARTHAGINIAN TRADING 
Herodotus, iv, 196: 
The Carthaginians further say that beyond the Pillars of Her- 
cules there is a region of Libya, and men ^vho inhabit it; when they 
arrive among these people and have unloaded their merchandise, they 
set it in order on the shore, go on board their ships and make a great 
smoke; that the inhabitants, seeing the smoke, come down to the 
sea, and then deposit gold in exchange for the merchandise, and 
withdraw to some distance from the merchandise; that the Cartha- 
ginians, going ashore, examine the gold, and if the quantity seems 
sulHcient for the merchandise, take it up and sail away; but if it is 
not sufficient, they go on board their ships again and wait; the natives 
then approach and deposit more gold, until they have satisfied them; 



27 



neither party ever wrongs the other; for they do not touch the gold 
before it is made adequate to the value of the merchandise, nor do 
the natives touch the merchandise before the other party has taken the 
gold." 




Mediterranean Galley of the period of Hanno's Periplus 

Redrawn from a Greek Vase 

in the Metropolitan Museum, New York 




Mediterranean Sailing Vessel 

From a Mosaic of Carthage in the Roman Period 

In the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia 




Native method of clearing the ground for the planting of crops, 

still in general use in West Africa. 

(See text, §§ 13-17, and note, p. 11.) 



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CHIEF OF THE FOREIGN TRADE BUREAU 
DUDLEY BARTLETT 



From the Press of the Commercial Museum, Philadelphia 



The Periplus of the Erythrsean Sea 

Travel and Trade in the Indian Ocean 
by a Merchant of the First Century 

Translated from the Greek and annotated 

by WILFRED H. SCHOFF, A. M. 

Secretary of the Commercial Museum, Philadelphia 

With numerous illustrations and a map in colors, showing the 
entire known world at the date of this work, political divisions, 
national boundaries, leading commercial centres, and trade-routes. 

8vo. pp. vi— 328: ^2.00, net. By mail, ^2.17 

The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea is one of those human documents, like 
the journals of Marco Polo and Columbus and Vespucci, which express not only 
individual enterprise, but the awakening of a whole race toward new fields of 
geographical discovery and commercial achievement. // is the first record of or- 
ganized trading ivith the nations of the East, in •vessels built and commanded by 
subjects of the Western 'world. 

The author of the Periplus was an Egyptian Greek, a Roman subject, who 
traded from the Red Sea down the East African coast and as far as Southern 
India, in the second half of the first centui-y after Christ. Like Hippalus, who 
taught the Roman world the use of the monsoons, he steered his course straight 
across the ocean before the trade-winds, without compass or other aids to naviga- 
tion. The Periplus is a merchant-captain's log, an original and truthful record 
of navigation and trade. 

The notes comprise an exhaustive survey of the international trade between 
the great empires of Rome, Parthia, India and China, at the beginning of intel- 
ligent interaction from end to end of the continental mass; of the mediation of 
the lesser kingdoms, in Abyssinia (the first known record of that African state), 
Arabia, Southern India and Further India (the first accurate record of those re- 
gions in the Roman world), Ceylon and Central Asia; of the articles dealt in, 
the methods of trading, the trade-routes and trade-centres; of the political and 
commercial alignment of the world's powers of the 1st century; and include numer- 
ous new identifications of articles and places, important to the history of die period. 

The book contains a historical introduction, an inquiry into the date and 
authorship of this Periplus, and a complete bibliography. Also, a classified list 
of articles of trade mentioned in this Periplus; a list of articles subject to duty at 
Alexandria in the Roman period; a summary of opinions of various commentators 
regarding date and authorship; a list of rulers of various kingdoms mentioned in 
this Periplus, with identifications; and an alphabetical index. 



LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO 
FOURTH AVENUE & 30th STREET, NEW YORK 
LONDON, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA 
1912 



Cornell University Library 



arW9996 

The Perlplus of Hanno: 




3 1924 031 441 847 
olin.anx